Aguinaldo in history

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Aguinaldo is the emancipator of the Filipino people, the founder of the first Filipino state that defined the identity of all the inhabitants of these islands as Filipino citizens of a republic (no longer as “Indios” or “naturales”), and the initiator for the recognition of this nascent Filipino state by independent nations of the world. This fact is not clear, albeit misunderstood by most Filipinos because of miseducation and outright lies and propaganda proffered by interest groups.

The Rise and Fall of Cavite

Aguinaldo provided the first Filipino victory of the revolution at the battle of Imus. (Ronquillo, 287-297) Had the Cavitenos been defeated by General Aguirre it is almost certain that the nascent rebellion would have been quickly crushed. Instead, by inflicting a crushing defeat upon Aguirre and the Spanish forces, Aguinaldo catapulted revolutionary morale to new heights, induced Governor-General Blanco into taking a more cautious strategy of waiting till he had sufficient troops before daring to venture into Cavite again in November 1896 at Binacayan where Aguinaldo handed him a humiliating defeat (Ronquillo, 345-358) thereby buying time for the Cavitenos and other revolutionaries to consolidate their wins and secure their territories from isolated Spanish garrisons, all of which of course raised Aguinaldo's fame and prestige and secured for him a place of leadership among the revolutionary commanders.

With these victories, he liberated the province of Cavite which became the refuge for besieged Katipuneros from nearby provinces. And in an expression of gratitude and recognition of his leadership, he was elected president of the revolutionary government at Tejeros. However, internal squabbles and the intransigence of Bonifacio in refusing to merge forces under a unified command and at times his reluctance to provide aid to Aguinaldo in the face of the massive Spanish offensive (Saulo, 140-141) contributed to the untimely fall of Cavite. 

Aguinaldo saved the revolution and turned defeat into a stalemate by forcing the Spaniards to sue for peace at Biak-na-Bato.  The agreement provided respite for the battle-weary revolutionaries and shielded them from bodily harm and reprisal while obtaining a promise of long-sought reforms and a huge sum of money in exchange for the surrender of the arms and exile of the leaders abroad.

Decisive Victory Over the Spaniards

The second phase of the revolution commenced upon the return of Aguinaldo in May 1898 from Hong Kong, and immediately he took to the task of organizing an army and supplying it with weapons purchased abroad out of the funds secured from the peace pact of Biak-na-Bato. Through foresight and audacity, he raised the level of revolutionary thrust by building a modern army with better weapons and in the process defeated the Spanish army, leading to the establishment of the first Filipino state, represented by the first Philippine republic that administered Luzon and various islands in the Visayas and some parts of Mindanao, excepting the city of Manila and isolated garrisons. In less than two months, Aguinaldo and his forces conquered practically the whole of Luzon. He surrounded the city of Manila with his forces, sent Gov. Gen. Basilio Agustin a demand to surrender and laid a siege awaiting Agustin’s reply. He set his sights on the Visayan islands and Mindanao, sending expeditionary forces to help local revolutionaries take control of their territory.

Here’s an American eyewitness account of Aguinaldo’s arrival at Cavite:

“As I accompanied him from Hong Kong and was able to be of some service to him, I was received at his headquarters with great cordiality until after the arrival of the first detachment of troops. Admiral Dewey put him to shore in Cavite, gave him a great deal of ammunition and a few cannon, and he started to work. His campaign was wonderful and Admiral Dewey was greatly pleased. Aguinaldo took possession of one of the abandoned houses in Cavite, and at first he acted with great good judgment and simplicity. In a day or two the natives flocked into Cavite in droves, and as a small steamer arrived from Hong Kong, laden with arms and ammunition, in a week there were more than 1,000 men ready to take the field against the Spaniards in Cavite province.” (Stickney, 278)

Felipe Buencamino, a Colonel in the Spanish army, in command of a regiment of militias observed the movements of the rebel army while he was on detention in Aguinaldo’s camp after a failed mission on orders of Spanish Governor-General Basilio Agustin to convince Aguinaldo to fight alongside Spain against the Americans. And he had this to say in his letter to Agustin, urging the Governor-General to surrender: 

“… Having been sent back to my prison, …I could see … the passing of wagons laden with arms, cannon, and ammunition, which would go to the landing and unloaded on cascos, small and large craft which came every day to this city with large masses of men whom I estimate would amount to more than four thousand. Vessels loaded with arms, ammunition and former insurgents would also come from Hongkong and afterward, I learned from those who visited me, after I was released from solitary confinement, that on the 28th of last month a column of three-hundred men of the Marine Infantry, commanded by Major Pazos, was captured between Imus and Kavite Viejo, and at the same time firing was heard on all sides of this province, which showed the general movement of the new revolution.

“I also learned that General Pena with his staff surrendered without exchanging a shot; surrendering cannon and other arms, public and Government treasure, with 200 volunteers from Apalit recruited by me, but which General Monet delivered to the Army Captain, Don Jesus Roldan. The news also came to me that the detachment of Bacoor composed of 200 volunteers from my regiment and over one-hundred men of the Marine Infantry, in command of Lieutenant Colonel, Don Luciano Toledo, having been besieged, … had to surrender; as did also the detachment of Baccor on the following day.

“And thus, in less than six successive days, the detachments of Imus, Binakayan, Noveleta, Santa Cruz de Malabon, Rosario, Salinas, Kavite Viejo and other pueblos of this province which is now in the power of Don Emilio Aguinaldo surrendered.

“But that is not all because there also came as prisoners from Kalamba, Binan, Muntinlupa and from the province of Bataan - among them the Governor and Administrator with their wives and daughters - 200 volunteers of the Blanco Regiment with its captain, Gomez, and 4 officers, besides 170 Cazadores with Lieutenant Colonel Baquero. Colonel Francia escaped to Pampanga, leaving the volunteers.

“In a word: in eight days of operations, Don Emilio Aguinaldo has, here and in the conquered pueblos, 2,500 prisoners and more than five thousand arms, 8 cannon and a large number of friars, which has decided him to direct an attack on Manila, in combination with his forces from Bulacan, from this province, and those from that capital, which will amount to some thirty-thousand men armed with rifles and cannon; sending his forces from Bataan and Nueva Ecija to surround General Monet’s, who is in Pampanga, and those of Paciano Rizal in Kalamba to invade Batangas. (Taylor, v3:92-97)

Buencamino's account of Aguinaldo’s victory over the Spanish army is confirmed by U.S. General Thomas Anderson in this interview published in the North American Review of February 1900, viz:

"At that time [July 1898] the insurgent Filipinos had driven the Spanish soldiers within the defenses of Manila and had them completely invested on the land side by light field works, which they held with about fourteen thousand men. They were poorly armed and equipped, yet, as they had defeated the Spaniards in a number of fights in the field, and had taken four thousand prisoners, it may be asserted in the vernacular of the camp that they ' had the morale on them.' The Manila garrison was so demoralized at that time and so incomplete was their line of defense that I believe it would have been possible, by coming to an understanding with Aguinaldo, to have carried their advance works by storm and to have captured all of the city, except the walled city or the old Spanish town. Under existing orders we could not have struck a bargain with the Filipinos, as our Government did not recognize the authority of Aguinaldo as constituting a de facto government; and, if Manila had been taken with his co-operation, it would have been his capture as much as ours. We could not have held so large a city with so small a force, and, it would, therefore, have been practically under Filipino control. (Philippine Information Society, 7-8)

This is the first known achievement of an Asiatic people toppling down a western power. But the Spaniards did not go down in defeat before their former subjects technically because the mixed-up situation gave them a way out of their predicament by surrendering themselves not to Aguinaldo but to the Americans after a sham battle and in the process, the honor of Spain was saved.

As soon as the republic was formed, Aguinaldo organized the first foreign diplomatic corp and sent emissaries and envoys like Felipe Agoncillo, Galicano Apacible, Mariano Ponce, Jose Sixto Lopez, Heriberto Zarcal, and Jose Alejandrino to the United States, Europe, and Japan to make known to the world about the existence of the newly established Filipino republic and obtain its recognition. 

This is the first-ever sovereign act of the natives of the Philippine islands heretofore known as “Indios” -  Tagalogs, Ilocanos, Kapampangans, Bicols, Visayans, etc. – liberating themselves from the downtrodden status of slaves or subjects of the Spanish crown for more than 300 years, arrogating for themselves the new title of Filipino citizens of the newly established republic, the first republic in Asia, and expressing their desire to be free and independent through their representatives in a duly constituted assembly that promulgated the first constitution of the Filipino people, otherwise known as the Malolos constitution. This is the greatest achievement of the Filipino people that has not been surpassed to this date; this period is the golden age in their history.  

However, the expansionist policy of the McKinley administration and later by Roosevelt foretold the collapse of the first Philippine republic.

Thus, on February 4, 1899, the third phase of the Philippine revolution broke out, this time against the United States whose policy is that of the annexation of the Philippine islands, throwing aside the purported alliance with the Filipinos against Spain and withholding recognition of the sovereign rights of the Aguinaldo government. The war lasted for more than three years. Here is the summary by an observer:

"...126,500 Americans saw service in the Philippine Insurrection, the peak strength of the American army at any single time was 70,000, and this army suffered battle losses of over 4,200 men killed and over 2,800 wounded. This represented a casualty rate of 5.5 percent, one of the highest of any war in American history. The financial cost of the war was over $400 million, a figure 20 times the purchase price paid to Spain. The insurgents suffered battle losses of 16,000-20,000 killed. In addition, perhaps 200,000 Filipinos died of famine, disease, and other war-related calamities. (Welch, 42)

The tenacity of the Filipinos in keeping the Americans busy for such a long period may be traced to the generous support that the civilian population provided to the Filipino Republican Army. U.S. General Arthur MacArthur took note of this important aspect of the war in a statement made to an American war correspondent and published in the New York Criterion of June 17, 1889, viz:

"When I first started in against these rebels I believed that Aguinaldo's troops represented only a fraction... I did not like to believe that the whole population of Luzon... was opposed to us, but having come thus far, and having been brought much in contact with both insurgents and amigos, I have been reluctantly compelled to believe that the Filipino masses are loyal to Aguinaldo and the government which he leads.” (Blount, 24)

Why is Aguinaldo being Maligned? 

Today, Aguinaldo’s image is stained with false accusations, foremost of which are allegations of hunger for power, complicity in the death of two heroes, and as an enemy collaborator. Why would a man of heroic and grandiose achievement end up maligned, insulted, and disrespected by the very people he had served?

The root cause of this anomaly may be traced to the archives of the United States Congress in the records of committee hearings giving light to the fact that after American authority was firmly established in the islands in early 1900, and the Aguinaldo-led resistance against the superior American war machine was put down, Admiral Dewey and other U.S. military and consular officials testified before the U.S. Congress that there was no alliance with the Filipinos against Spain - “No alliance of any kind was entered into with Aguinaldo, nor was any promise of independence made to him then … ” (Alger, 359)

No alliance of any kind? Let us get down to the facts.  The Americans were the ones who sought Aguinaldo’s cooperation in fighting the Spaniards in the Philippines. As early as March 1898, the Filipino Junta in Hongkong was electrified when Captain Wood, Commander of U.S.S. Petrel, acting on behalf of Commodore Dewey, conferred with Aguinaldo, urging him to return to the Philippines to lead once more the revolution against Spain, on the assurance that Americans would supply him with the necessary arms. Asked about the policy of the United States following the expulsion of the Spaniards from the Philippines Wood replied that America is a great and rich nation and neither needs nor desires colonies. (Agoncillo, 98)

Another conference occurred the following month at the residence of a Filipino dentist in Singapore named Dr. Isidro Santos who was pressed by Howard Bray, a long time resident of the Philippines, to have U.S. Consul Spencer Pratt talk to Aguinaldo who had slipped into the city incognito accompanied by Gregorio del Pilar and Jose Leyva to escape the Arcadio suit in Hong Kong. In this meeting that was also attended by Bray, del Pilar, and Leyva, Consul Pratt told Aguinaldo: “Spain and America have been at war. Now is the time for you to strike. Ally yourselves with America and you will surely defeat the Spaniards.”  (Ibid, 99)

While Aguinaldo was in Singapore, two members of the Hongkong Junta, Messrs. Jose Alejandrino, and Andres Garchitorena conferred in French with Admiral Dewey on board the “Olympia” with Lieut. Brumby of the Signal Corp acting as interpreter, and the Admiral was quoted as saying:

“The American people, champion of liberty, will undertake this war with the humanitarian purpose of liberating from the Spanish yoke the people which are under it and to give them independence and liberty, as we have already proclaimed before the whole world.  … America is rich under all concepts; it has territories scarcely populated, aside from the fact that our constitution does not permit us to expand territorially outside of America.  For these reasons, the Filipinos can be sure of their independence and of the fact that they will not be despoiled of any piece of their territory.” (Alejandrino, 89-90)

A final meeting happened in Hong Kong with U.S. Consul, Rounseville Wildman, who proposed to Aguinaldo to establish a dictatorial government to prosecute the war and was even entrusted by Aguinaldo with the money to purchase 2,000 rifles and 200,000 rounds of ammunition. (Ibid, 102). And of course, Aguinaldo and his associates were conveyed from Hong Kong to Cavite by U.S. gunboats. 

The denial by the U.S. military and Consular officials there was an alliance with the Filipinos is like saying that Aguinaldo was a liar and his claim that he had a conference with the Admiral on board the “Olympia” upon arrival in Cavite where he received assurance from the Admiral of support for Philippine independence (Aguinaldo, 16) was a figment of Aguinaldo’s confused mind.

Why did the Americans deny any alliance with Aguinaldo?  

Admitting the existence of an alliance would put the Americans in a bad light because it would show that they double-talked and hoodwinked Aguinaldo into fighting their war and trashed him aside to claim for themselves the victory over the Spaniards, and then when the land forces have arrived they turned against him and suppressed his resistance.  This scenario was clearly expressed by Col.  James Russell Codman:

"It is an undeniable fact, proved by unquestionable evidence, accessible to any citizen who will take the pains to obtain it, that Aguinaldo's assistance in the war with Spain was solicited by United States officials; that he and his friends were used as allies by the American naval and military commanders; that, until after the capture of Manila, to which they contributed, they were allowed to believe that the independence of the Philippine Islands would be recognized by the American government; and that it was not until after the American forces in the islands had been made strong enough to be able - as was supposed - to conquer the Islanders, that the mask was thrown off. Independence was then refused them, and the purpose of the president to extend the sovereignty of the United States over them by military force was openly proclaimed. That the Filipinos resisted, and that they took up arms against foreign rule, was something that ought to have been expected; for it is exactly what Americans would have done." (Codman, 1) 

The fact is, the conquest of the Philippine Islands by the United States was criminal aggression, using U.S. Pres. McKinley's own words quoting from his speech before the U.S. Senate as he urged for the declaration of war against Spain, viz: “I speak not of forcible annexation, for that cannot be thought of. That by our code of morality would be criminal aggression” (Storey, vi and 74). Indeed, McKinley said it very clear that the American conquest of the Philippines was criminal aggression because “… the United States … establish its dominion by suppressing an indigenous revolution, ignoring a declaration of independence as a meaningful act of sovereignty, and overthrowing a representatively convened national assembly.” (Bankoff, 181)

Yes, the Americans came as invaders.  Their claim on the islands that is anchored on the Treaty of Paris was defective because according to Mabini the treaty was null and void. Spain had lost its right to cede the islands having been divested of its claim to sovereignty and authority after its defeat and surrender  (Taylor, 4:64-6). If there was any negotiation as to the future of the islands it should have been between the Americans and the Filipinos who controlled and administered most of the territory outside the city of Manila, the only territory held by the Americans at the time. Therefore, it is safe to declare that the exclusion of the Filipinos from the treaty conference and being barred from participating in the negotiations was a deliberate American design to keep the Filipinos under wraps in consonance with McKinley’s imperialistic policy.

Maligning Aguinaldo - American Era

Given the background of Aguinaldo's relationship with the Americans, it was necessary to present him as a liar motivated by a personal interest in the pursuit of the war against the Spaniards.  If Aguinaldo is looked upon as a liar, more so as a traitor, he would become unworthy of respect or sympathy by his compatriots, and naturally, everything else associated with him especially his patriotic stand against the Americans would be looked upon with disbelief or skepticism.

From this American position proceeded the deliberate act of muddling the historical accounts of the Filipino-American war and camouflaging the American conquest of the Philippines as a humanitarian mission in line with the policy of “benevolent assimilation”, viz: 

(1) the Filipinos were tagged as the initiator of the war but the truth is it was the Americans who crossed into Filipino lines and fired the first shot;

(2) the war was stripped of its rightful importance and conveniently tucked under the caption, “The Spanish-American War";

(3) the war was not included in the official list of wars fought by the United States in the 19th or 20^th century;

(4) the war was labeled “insurrection”, promoting the legal claim of the United States under the Treaty of Paris and pre-empting the sovereign rights of the Aguinaldo government;

(5) voluminous records and war relics captured during the conflict were shipped to the United States and stowed away from the reach of ordinary Filipinos, except to those historians given access by the U.S. military;

(6) the Sedition Act was passed that was effective for 12 years which criminalized the display of the Filipino flag, any public gathering, or speech or writing that had a patriotic theme; 

(7) A public school system was established to teach American history, culture, arts, songs, literature, and heroes that molded a new Filipino who is detached from his inherent intellect and knowledge and made him love America more than his own country; and,

(8) Aguinaldo was branded a traitor to his people for agreeing to the Biak-na-Bato peace pact and for taking the oath of allegiance to the United States. 

Among the early publications that pictured Aguinaldo negatively is the one by Murat Halstead (1829-1908), which, just by reading the title, gives the impression that what is inside is part of a grand conspiracy to besmirch the image of Aguinaldo. The title reads: “The politics of the Philippines: Aguinaldo a traitor to the Filipinos and a conspirator against the United States; the record of his transformation from a beggar to a tyrant.”

Aguinaldo himself expressed his disenchantment at one time when he said:

"I have been loyal to America and the Americans. I have at all times acted upon their advice, complied with their desires, yet in their daily journals they endevour to humiliate me before my people. They call me thief, renegade, traitor, for no reason. I have done them no harm; I have assisted them to their ends, and they now consider me their enemy. Why am I called a renegade, traitor, thief?" (Sheridan, 90)

Paradoxically, we see today a memorial in honor of McKinley. Why should the Filipinos dignify this hypocrite by naming after him a major thoroughfare that runs through the most expensive piece of real estate in the country terminating at the beautiful park in the plush commercial center in Taguig? Either Filipinos are gullible or they are ignorant of their history.

Maligning Aguinaldo - Quezon era

Enter Manuel L. Quezon.  During the revolution against Spain Quezon served in the Manila Batallion of the Spanish army; his father  Lucio similarly took the side of the Spaniards, helped the beleaguered Spanish soldiers holed up in the church of Baler, was captured and killed by the revolutionaries  (Javar, 14).  Quezon joined the Filipino Republican army after Spain surrendered.  With the collapse of the First Philippine Republic, he concentrated on politics and became friends with Americans like Harry  Brandholtz, James G. Harbord, and General Douglas MacArthur. His rise in the Philippine political scene was phenomenal and it was not implausible that he would cross paths with Aguinaldo who was still considered the “El Caudillo” and hero for having led the revolution against Spain and the resistance against the Americans.

Here is how Quezon was viewed as a politician:

". . . Quezon was ingratiating and charismatic, a brilliant orator and a consummate politician. He was audacious, resourceful, unencumbered by integrity, and capable of shrewdly using his political strengths to mold public opinion. His assessments of those with whom he dealt were unerring. He manipulated where he could – Filipinos and Americans alike – and used the electoral process to bludgeon those Filipinos who challenged him. He equated political opposition with enmity and was ruthless in dealing with influential Filipinos who were loyal to rival leadership or to abstract ideas that incurred his ire. These qualities were moderated only by the transfer to himself of the loyalty of Filipinos buffeted by his combativeness or their withdrawal from the arena of insular politics." (Golay, 166)

Quezon and Aguinaldo did not see eye to eye. As soon as Quezon came home from his mission to the United States and reported that he was also considering two alternatives to independence that were not necessarily full, immediate, and absolute as originally agreed upon by the independence committee, Aguinaldo accused him of being a traitor to the Filipino cause. (Golay, 297). 

Did Quezon really want independence?  Here is the answer of a critic: "The answer is no... Quezon wanted to become the chief executive of a government ran by Filipinos and protected by a benevolent American people in exchange for which certain rights and privileges would be granted to the United States and Americans."  (Onorato, 229)  This kind of arrangement would become a reality in the form of military bases and parity rights agreements that were signed after 1946.

And in Quezon’s conflict with Governor Leonard Wood, Aguinaldo took the opposite side. Whether these personal differences influenced a belligerent response from Quezon is not clear at this time. But the involvement of certain personalities associated with Quezon in incidents that dragged Aguinaldo’s name to controversies would lead to the suspicion that indeed the active hand of Quezon was very much involved.

As early as 1917, Guillermo Masangkay, an associate of Supremo of the Katipunan, Andres Bonifacio, and later identified with Quezon, led a party to locate and exhume the remains of the Supremo in Cavite and had these identified by Bonifacio’s sister and proclaimed authentic by the National Museum Director, Epifanio Delos Santos. (Santos, 178-183) The alleged bones were paraded around the city of Manila and placed in a beautiful glassed container and displayed in the National Museum. Of course, the effect of this was to elicit sympathy for Bonifacio and anger at those responsible, and the finger pointed to Aguinaldo for his alleged role and complicity.

This was followed by a statement issued in 1930 by a former General in Aguinaldo’s army, Pantaleon Garcia, who had become the Sargeant-at-arms of the Philippine Senate of which Quezon was president, to the effect that he was allegedly given instructions by Aguinaldo to kill General Antonio Luna, which he was unable to do on account of his sickness at the time. (Pantaleon Garcia, 22)

Also, a certain Antonio Bautista, erstwhile campaign manager of Aguinaldo in Bulacan, abruptly switched to Quezon camp and orchestrated the circulation of a story billed as "pagluluksa sa Malolos" (mourning in Malolos), in which it was alleged that the townspeople of Malolos hang black drapes and closed their windows when Aguinaldo arrived (Veneracion, 249).

The attack on Aguinaldo was not confined to politics. He was also subjected to harassment economically and financially. The annual pension of P12,000 granted to him under Philippine Legislature Act No. 2922 which was approved on March 20, 1920, was stopped by the express repeal by Commonwealth Act No. 288 under the Quezon administration in 1939.  Also, Eulogio Rodriguez, then the Secretary of Agriculture and Commerce in the cabinet of Quezon summarily stripped Aguinaldo of all but 344 hectares of landholdings on the basis that he failed to make good the payment of installments due on the loan he obtained from the government for the acquisition of the friar estate in Cavite. (Ara, 169)

So, for those with the critical eye, they will not fail to notice that three major thoroughfares in Quezon City that intersect each other are named after Manuel L. Quezon (the Quezon Avenue), Epifanio Delos Santos (the EDSA), and Eulogio Rodriguez (the E. Rodriguez Avenue). Is this a pure coincidence or is it to immortalize the significant roles played together by the three personalities in history?

Under the atmosphere at the time, it would not be difficult to add to the “sins” of Aguinaldo the alleged sell-out of the revolution at Biak-na-Bato, the alleged malversation of the peace agreement money, his alleged complicity in the death of General Antonio Luna, and the blame for the failure of the revolution. But true or not the desired result was accomplished - Aguinaldo was transformed from hero to villain. Therefore, it seemed logical to conclude that Aguinaldo’s defeat in the 1935 election for the presidency of the Commonwealth was not really because Quezon was popular than Aguinaldo but rather the result of the campaign to malign Aguinaldo in the eyes of his people.

Maligning Aguinaldo - Japanese Occupation

The second world war added to the denigration of the public image of Aguinaldo. When the Japanese-sponsored 2nd Philippine republic was inaugurated with Jose P. Laurel as president, Aguinaldo considered it the realization of his dream. He believed the Japanese were more sympathetic to the Filipino aspirations for freedom because in less than three years a Filipino republic was established while the Americans required a 10-year Commonwealth period to determine if absolute independence would be granted. Perhaps this belief was anchored on his positive experience with the Japanese who sent advisers and armaments to help the Filipinos during the Filipino-American war. Accordingly, Aguinaldo actively assisted in efforts to end the pacific war in the Philippines soonest in the hope that peace would give the 2nd republic a chance to succeed. But his efforts were construed differently - he was accused of aiding the enemy and tagged as a Japanese collaborator, a label that continues to haunt his memory to this day.

Maligning Aguinaldo - by Leftist Elements

The advent of Marxist-Leninist ideology in the Philippines further accentuated the anti-hero syndrome of Aguinaldo’s image.  Sown in the early 1900s the ideology propagated after World War II and took root among nationalist-leaning historians and students and academicians especially in government-funded universities.  The advocates took advantage of the American-era anti-Aguinaldo propaganda to bolster their leftist agenda, i.e., create a revolutionary situation leading towards the overthrow of the existing bourgeois establishment. 

Bonifacio was hijacked to serve as the key component of the configuration.  He is made to represent the rallying symbol of their advocacy because in the structure of their concept Bonifacio personified the masses, while Aguinaldo was the elite, therefore, the enemy.  The two heroes were pitted against each other as a way of reliving the leadership conflict of the revolution  This conflict was made to represent the supposed contemporary and continuing class struggle in the Philippines.  And to make the complex leftist ideology easier for the youthful minds to absorb, the supposed class struggle was hitched to the Bonifacio-Aguinaldo feud of old.  In the process, the revolution of 1896 against Spain led by Bonifacio became the revolution of the leftist even if the ideology was never a factor at the time, and by claiming the revolution was that of the masses, it is effectively juxtapositioned to the present, because by definition, the leftists are the masses.  Thus, for the uninitiated, to be a disciple of Marx and Lenin is actually an act of patriotism and therefore to rebel against the established order is justified in the same manner that Bonifacio’s revolution was.  Of course, this is a pure and simple web of insidious propaganda. 

But apparently, the strategy works.  The theoretical social conflict of masses versus the elite that used to remain aloof in the minds of intellectuals has now gone down to the level of the neophytes. This explains why the incessant noise in social media about Aguinaldo being “hungry for power”, a “traitor”, or “a murderer”, or “coward” is coming from the younger generation who hardly know the history of their country or Aguinaldo’s contribution to nationhood.

Conclusion

In the final analysis, Aguinaldo’s legacies – the national flag, the national anthem, but more importantly, the national aspiration to be free and independent handed down by the architects of the First Philippine Republic, will endure forever, and so will the memory of Aguinaldo. And today, the image of Aguinaldo as a patriot and hero is resurfacing, bolstered by historical facts made accessible by the internet to impartial and objective minds.

In homage to the man, here is Aguinaldo’s role in history, according to Gabriel F. Fabella (Mauro Garcia, 26-27):

(1) Aguinaldo was the first man to make the world conscious of the existence of the Philippines by leading two revolutions against Spain, and a war of defense of their newly established republic against the United States. As a consequence, he is the first Filipino whose name appears in the world encyclopedias.

(2) He helped to weld the Filipinos into a nation through deeds rather than by pen or words;

(3) He was the first man to demonstrate that a Filipino is capable of running an orderly government of his own making;

(4) He set an example of honesty, integrity, and incorruptibility in the government service;left happy memories of the First and Second Republics of the Philippines, and finally,

(5) He bequeathed permanent legacies to our people.

(a) A Philippine independence day

(b) A Filipino flag, and

(c) A national anthem.

SOURCES:

(Credit to Sumaquel Hosalla, Tommy Matic IV, Ryan Aguinaldo, and Jomar Gelvoleo Encila for their contribution in putting together this paper)

Agoncillo, Teodoro: "Malolos: The Crisis of the Republic", University of the Philippines Press, Diliman, Quezon City, 1997.

Aguinaldo, Don Emilio: "True Version of the Philippine Revolution," Tarlak, P.I., 1899, University of Michigan Library 2005, http://name.umdl.umich.edu/AFJ2298.0001.001

Alger, Russell Alexander, “The Spanish-American War”, New York, London: Harper & Bros., 1901 University of Michigan Library 2005 http://name.umdl.umich.edu/ABZ6565.0001.001.

Alejandrino, Jose, "The Price of Freedom (La Senda del Sacrificio)", Episodes and Anecdotes about our Struggle for Freedom, original in Spanish, by General Jose Alejandrino, translated into English by Atty.  Jose Alejandrino, prologue by Teodoro M. Kalaw, Manila, 1949

Ara, Sastoshi, “Emilio Aguinaldo Under American and Japanese Rule: Submission for Independence?”, Philippine Studies: Historical and Ethnographic Viewpoints, Vol. 63, No. 2 (2015): 169-192, copyright Ateneo de Manila University.

Bankoff, Greg, “A Tale of Two Wars”, Foreign Affairs, Nov-Dec 2002, Vol 81 No. 6, Council on Foreign Relations, pp. 179-181).

Blount, James H.: "The American Occupation of the Philippines, 1898-1912," New York, London, G.P. Putnam's Son, 1912, University of Michigan Library 2005, http://name.umdl.umich.edu/AHZ9397.1913.001

Codman, Charles Russell: "Why he supports Bryan: Col. Charles R. Codman sets forth his reasons," New York: Anti-Imperialist League of New York, 1901, University of Michigan Library 2005, http://name.umdl.umich.edu/ADT4649.0001.001

Garcia, Pantaleon, “Maikiling Kasaysayan ng Himagsikan sa Pilipinas”, Palimbag ng Dalaga, Maynila, 1930.

Garcia, Mauro, “Aguinaldo in Retrospect”, A volume Issued to Commemorate the Centenary of General Emilio Aguinaldo y Famy, With Documents on the Philippine-American War, (1898-1901), and the First Philippine Republic, edited by Mauro Garcia, Philippine Historical Association, Manila, 1969.

Golay, Frank Hindman, "Face of Empire", United States-Philippine Relations, 1898-1946, published in cooperation with University of Wisconsin-Madison Center for Southeast Asian Studies, Ateneo de Manila University Press, 1997.

Javar, Roderick C., “Biograpikong Manipulasyon sa Pro-Espanyang Partisipasyon ni Manuel Quezon at Kolaborasyon ng Kanyang Pamilya sa Panahon ng Himagsikang Pilipino”, U.P. Los Banos Journal, Volume 18, No. 1, January-December, 2020.

Onorato, Michael Paul, "Quezon and Independence: A Reexamination", Philippoine Studies, Second Quarter 1989, Vol. 37, No. 2, pp. 221-231, Ateneo de Manila University.

Philippine Information Society, "Were Promises Made to Aguinaldo?," Boston, Vol. 1, No. 2, May 15, 1901, University of Michigan Library 2005, http://name.umdl.umich.edu/ACC6166.0001.002

Ronquillo, Carlos: "Ilang Talata Tungkol sa Panghihimagsik ng 1896-1897," edited by Isagani Medina, University of the Philippines Press, 1996

Santos, Jose P., “Si Andres Bonifacio at ang Katipunan”, Akda ni Tenepe, Copyright 1948 by Author.

Saulo, Alfredo B.: "Emilio Aguinaldo, Generalissimo and President of the First Philippine Republic -First in Asia," Phoenix Publishing House, Quezon City, 1983;

Sheridan, Richard Brinsley: "The Filipino Martyrs, A Story of Crime of February 4, 1899 by an Eyewitness," London & New York, J. Lane, 1900,  University of Michigan Library 2005, http://name.umdl.umich.edu/AHZ9360.0001.001

Stickney, Joseph: "Admiral Dewey at Manila and the complete story of the Philippines: life and glorious deeds of Admiral George Dewey, including a thrilling account of our conflicts with the Spaniards and Filipinos in the Orient," Chicago: Imperial Pub. Co., 1899, University of Michigan Library 2005, http://name.umdl.umich.edu/ADE2873.0001.001

Storey , Moorefield and Lichauco, Marcial P.: "The Conquest of the Philippines by the United States," New York and London, G.Putnam's Sons, 1926, University of Michigan Library 2005, http://name.umdl.umich.edu/AFJ2371.0001.001

Taylor, John R..M.: "The Philippine Insurrection Against the United States, a compilation of documents with an introduction by Renato Constantino," Eugenio Lopez Foundation, 5 Volumes, Pasay City, Philippines, 1971.

Veneracion, Jaime, “Bulakan ng mga Bayani”, Center for Bulacan Studies, Bulacan State University, 2007.

Welch Jr., Richard E.: "Response to Imperialism, The United States and the Philippine-American War, 1899-1902," The University of North Carolina Press, 1979

The Participation of the Igorots in the Battle of Caloocan

The Igorots participated in the Philippine-American war. Reproduced here is an account by an Igorot named Fanged describing how "Don Bilong" recruited two hundred and fifty Igorot tribesmen on the pretext that they were to dance in Malolos, but found themselves amid battle in Caloocan on February 11, 1899.

The English text appears a verbatim translation from the Igorot language and may be difficult to understand. The account was lifted from a book by Carl Wilhelm Seidenadel, "The First Grammar of the Language Spoken by the Bontoc Igorot." The "Don Bilong" referred to in the account is Federico Isabelo Abaya, the hero of Candon, Ilocos Sur, who served under Col. Manuel Tinio of the Philippine Revolutionary Army. He became commander of the forces in southern Ilocos under Col. Juan Villamor, where he was later killed in a battle with the Americans on May 3, 1900.

 
The original Igorot text is reproduced in the tail-end section of this page. The English translation follows:

"The insurrecto Don Bilong comes to Bontoc and tells lies at bontoc, he says speaking you Igorot, go with me take ye your shields, your spears the gongs let us go to Malolos, go ye to dance then much (will be) your money. Then hear the people the young men run and go to the forest because all young men are unsteady (as to)their thoughts. They say speaking perhaps a lie this! I Fanged from Samoki do not like to go because my sister they imprison for my not coming along. Then I go with them because they bind my sister. Then to the men, takes Ngawid the men; then he is the chieftain of the Igorot. Then we start and come to Fangnin and then they take also some men of Fangnin near bontoc. We take one pig and kill it for food of the men who go to Malolos. Then we start in the morning and come to Gayang. Then our food had been prepared and they had killed a buffalo as our meat. Then we eat at noon and we come to Cervantes. The we sit down and cook our meal we are five Bontocmen, eight men from Samoki; then those from Mayinit, tucuan, Malikong, Genugan, Sagada, Titipan, Tulubin, Kanou, Agawa, all the townsmen had gone to Malolos. Then we had eaten at Cervantes and we come to Ankaki prepared was all our food they had killed a cow for our meat. Assembled were at Cervantes all townsmen. Then it is morning we start and come to Concepcion. Then we start from Concepcion and come to Candon and there meets the music band us. Then we come to Cando and marches around the band with us at Candon. Then we stay in a large house five days and we eat five pigs because we were angry. We Igorot, Then we kill the pigs of Candon-people. Then we start and come to Takutjing. Then we enter the houses of people and take their coats; afraid are the Tak-people we are two hundred and fifty Igorot. Then we start very early and go to Namagpakan. Then had been cooked the rice, but no meat. Then we go and take (by force) one horse and bring it to our quarter. We cut it and cook the horse. The we do not eat, because like flesh of men is the sight of the meat of horse. Then we start and go to Faknotan we arrive in night none had cooked our food. Then we all, we Igorot, go to take some pigs and dogs. The we keep cooking and we eat during the night. Then come the soldiers, who are insurrectos, and ask for food then they keep coming to our rear and they keep saying give (us) our food. Then we often give (them) the skins of pigs and a little rice. The we start then we go to a certain (one) town I do not know the name of the town were we arrived. The had been cooked rice and meat of buffalo. Then we sleep we start in the morning, we come to Santo Tomas. Then (is)not cooked our food. Then we go to seek pigs and goats then not any we find pigs, goats our finding. Then they bring rice. The we say to our master, why you say if we come into the town, then would be ready the food of the men; and here now there is nothing! Then answers Don Bilong our words and he says care for yourselves, and you keep catching pigs and (take) rice! Then I frighten a family of Filipinos. Then they say do not kill us let us cook your meal. The is cooked the rice and crabs. Then I begin eating and then comes my companion. Then, we eat together, as we are very hungry. Then we start then we go to Dagupan. (it is a) large town and then they do not provide for us we ask for our food and little is their giving. Then they keep saying we shall come to Malolos. Then we arrive at Malolos in the evening. Then distributes Aguinaldo the "20 cents". The we say why! One peseta only our food does not suffice then we say we shall run away. Then they say we shoot you. Then starts the train. Then we go and ride in the train. Then we come to Caloocan forestland only. We eat in the night then not sufficed our food. (while) we are eating, we men then we see the fire flying that comes from sea. Dazzles the fire us. Then it is time of geginning of crowing of cocks. The says Golash, our interpreter let us go around to Fanged behind Manila Then we start to go to Fanged and many (are) the solders Then we go "a little" to Fanged. Like this was the distance, as far yonder. We had gone to the front; we had spears, battleaxes and shields (with us), no rifles. The was shot one soldiers in the scrotum had shot (him) the Americans. The we fret we say why! A battle (is) the calling of that (man) why! A different dance is this. Then we say "are we sometimes afraid and again not (afraid)? Then transport back the company the men shot who (were) there. They take to the train. Then we go to railroad (embankment). Then hide the soldiers, and many (are) the projectiles coming from the sea which send the soldiers, Americans. Two were shot of the soldiers, Filipinos. Then comes again one company and is shot again one soldier we had dug into the ground, we Igorot, that we hide our bodies (ourselves) because no guns-ours "except only" our spears and battleaxes. Then comes again one company at noon and are shot again three soldiers, Filipinos. Then retreats the one company and "exchanged" again two companies. Then they take their bayonets they dig up the ground they bury all their cartridges (bullets) They they return to their commander they say: used up ("no more") our bullets. Then come two companies. There are dead six, there are five some are shot ino the hand there is one 'negrito' shot into his forehead. Then retreats the one company and "exchanged" three companies. Many (are) the dead amnong them much (is) the blood upon the ground. Then retreat the three companies. They remove the many dead they carry to the train. Then "exchanged" again two companies Then are shot four soldiers. They again return the two companies. Then turns dark the day and then they fire the cannon: fire (them) the soldiers, Americans. Then whistles the shell of cannon then often it hits the forest. Then get afraid the Igorot and immediately they run away. Then we run away and come to the train many are the dead men in the train whom kept carrying the soldiers was shot one man from Amtadao nobody was shot of the Bontocmen. We remain at the train they often then bring the dead who had been shot they fire the guns, the (it was) as if tumbled down the sky, like this (were): the shells of the cannon some like this: Then landed the soldiers, Americans, on the land then flee all the insurrectos they to the train. We keep running away and we see the shell of cannon that throws up the earth. Some shells of cannon kill a whole crowd that stood close together. Many the dead among the insurrectos; more the dead than in the fights of Igorot in the country of the Igorot. Then we flee and go to Malolos then says Golash, our interpreter let us go to Manila. Let us go to make "railroad" (moat?) Then refuse the men. Then says Golash why! Nobody is dead among us Igorot; why! Only the insurrectos many (are) the dead. Then they return: Sayan from Samoki, and further Moding from Bontoc, then Patte/king from Bontoc, to Manila. Then they go to the train and encounter the shells of cannon. Then they hit into their midst. Then they again go back to Malolos then they arrive with (among) us. Then they say to us they came, the Americans, to Caloocan and destroyed the buildings they burned all the churches and broken all the churchbells. Then we ask the "presidente" at Malolos; we say we ought to go to Bontoc then it is tomorrow again we ask and he refuses. He says why! None is dead of you and you say you will go? Then we say to Kosmi from Bontoc we should tell (him) to dance; so you had said (as to your saying) then we must, we men go; Then quarreled they, Makwish from Bontoc and Ngawid from Samoki, says Makwish from Bontoc to Ngawid you know that "battle" was their saying to you why did you tell (so) to the men? You have no reason! Suppose I had known that "battle" was their saying, I would have told first to the men if they wished to go to war then little only (failed) that we would have killed we Igorot for the saying of the presidente at Malolos that we would be shot, all Igorot. Then (it is) tomorrow, and must Kosmi of Bontoc ask. Then he says let us go then! Then he does not (permit). Then we run off we Igorot then we walk on the side of the street. Then we arrive at Santo Tomas then we immediately enter the forest. The our coming out is at Falaoang. The we seek our food because we are very hungry; then we buy food (cakes) we lived on. Made are the cakes from rice and sugar. Then we come to Fangal. Then says an Ilocano at Fangal why do you run away? Are you cowards, you as Igorot? Then we say answering you go, let's see you if then not quickly smash the cannon your head. The we come to Takutjing. They say also why do you run away? Then they say what did they do there Then we tell them the shells of the cannon are very big. Then we say suppose they would come here the Americans, then would quickly ruin the cannon your houses. Then our direction is the forest then our coming out is at Cervantes. Then our going (aim) is to Fuladong. Then we take chickens and cocks. The we come to Alab. Then we take a big pig we kill and eat it. We had paid five pesos to the pig-owner. Then we told to collect, to the Alabmen, rice. Then they collected. We did not pay th rice the people at Alab gave it "gratis" to us. Then we start to come to Bontoc. The we go directly to Afou, the settlement of Ilocanos at Bontoc in the afternoon (was) our arrival time at Bontoc. Then say the people of Bontoc and Samoki, they say "we are glad that you came are you alive all say the people how did you manage to go (there) we had assembled all the people they listen to our speaking Then we say to them too many (were) the shells of the Americans, too enormous the cannon. Then they say and the bullets of the rifles we say fearful, like rain the bullets of rifles. Then they say do they not come here Then we answer and say they will come here as they stop (at the limit) at Malolos. Then they again say when will they come Then we do not tell because we say let not escape the insurrectos Then we enter town Then say our relatives "we are glad" that you returned to our town. Then "passed" one month then they come suddenly the soldiers, Americans. Then they arrive early in the morning. Then "put down" the Americans many their horses at Kamanuang. Then go out all Bontoc people and feed their horses. (Then) pursued the soldiers, Americans, the insurrectos. They capture one lieutenant and three soldiers, then one who was shot. All other soldiers, Filipinos, then had fled to the mountains. Then they reached running Tulubin. Then tell the Bontocmen and the Samokimen the trail to the soldiers, Americans, to Tulubin, they go to Fayu and capture the wife of Aguinaldo and his younger sister one soldier, Filipino, they shot, the Americans, the soldiers, Americans, cut off the head of the insurrecto; they buried him in the ground at Campo Santo, the burial place Then they conducted the wife of Aguinaldo to Bontoc and his younger sister then also one American whom had fettered (imprisoned) Aguinaldo."

"Fanged"

What follows are excerpts of the original statements of Fanged with English translation. image to enlarge.

The Story of Exiled Captured Katipuneros Exiled to Caroline Islands

Amazing is the word to describe the story of Katipuneros who were captured at the battle of San Juan del Monte and exiled to Yap island in the Carolines.  It is a wonder this kind of stories do not find their way into Filipino movies.

Short summary:

Sixty-five Filipino rebels were captured by Spanish cavalry troops during the assault of the powder magazine in San Juan del Monte  on August 30, 1896 .  They were exiled to Yap island in the Carolines and there suffered untold hardships and depredation – meager food, cramped and dirty prison cell, hard labor, and torture.  But their conditions suddenly changed after the governor of the island was replaced by someone who treated them humanely.  Under the policy of the new governor, torture was abolished and the prisoners were provided with nourishing food and habitable space to stay.  At one time, the governor received a letter from an official of a religious corporation in Manila ordering him to treat the prisoners in the cruelest manner that they deserve as rebels against the Spanish government and religion.  The letter asked the governor to starve the prisoners - give them less food and a lot more physical punishment until they die.  The governor angrily rejected the order saying he is the authority on the island and no friar can instruct him to do their bidding.  Instead of punishment, the prisoners' food ration was increased,  given more free time, with only the condition that they do not escape from the island, that they should be together at the dinner table and sleep on schedule.  After the island was ceded by Spain to Germany it was necessary to evacuate the place and this event gave the prisoners the opportunity to be sent home. Before parting, the governor confided that he is not a Spaniard but a Frenchman who happen to be married to a Spanish woman and that he is not one to bow down before a friar or allow himself to be employed as an assassin by those who pretend to be holy.  He also admonished the Filipinos not to feel any shame or regret because they earn the honor and respect deserving those who sacrifice in the defense of the liberty of their native land, the Philippines.

 

Here is the unusual story of the sixty-five Filipino captives held prisoners in the far-flung island of Yap in the Carolines.

(Note: The following narrative was lifted entirely from pages 173-182 of Santiago Alvarez’s book, “The Katipunan and the Revolution, Memoirs of a General”)

Let us leave aside for the moment the preparations and activities of the Sons of the People in their current campaigns, to review the dark, thorny, and precipitous road to death that the Katipuneros gladly took for the sake of freedom for the Motherland.

To those who participated in the siege of the Spanish enemy’s powder arsenal at San Juan del Monte, Rizal, on the morning of 30 August 1896, the thundering command of the Supremo Andres Bonifacio, “My brethren, attack!” still resounds in their ears.

As the Katipunan bolo brigade rushed towards the enemy position, they were met by a hail of bullets.  The shooting intensified from their front and rear when new enemy reinforcements arrived.  The latter were the same troops who had earlier in the morning routed the army of General Salogo (Ramon Bernardo) at Santa Mesa.  Lt. Miguel Ramos (alias Bulalakaw) was one of several Katipunan officers in that siege. 

"To each his own!  Seek your own safety!” the Supremo shouted.  The Katipunan ranks broke pell-mell in a frantic effort to escape.  But just then Lieutenant Bulalakaw shouted, “Lie down on your bellies!”

The bolo brigade dropped to the ground, and each one tried to burrow a safe niche for himself.  At first, no one dared to stand because of the low-flying barrage of bullets.  But they soon realized that they were easy targets in that position and that it was better if they died either fighting on their feet or fleeing to safety.  This reasoning must have led one to get up on his feet in spite of the crisscrossing bullets and to run for his life.  His example was quickly followed by the others and soon all the bolo brigade was fleeing aimlessly in all directions.  Quite a number escaped unscathed, but many were wounded.  And in their hurry to get away, the Katipuneros left their dead where they fell on enemy ground.

The enemy’s cavalry troops chased the fleeing Katipuneros and tried to block their flight.  At noon, they overtook and arrested a group of them on top of a mountain.  Among those taken prisoners were Katipunan members Manuel Castaneda, Teodorico Castaneda, Claro Castaneda, Catalino Bustamante, Victor de los Reyes, and Miguel Ramos.

The account of Miguel Ramos

[Author’s [S. Alvarez's] note:  One of the Katipuneros captured and imprisoned by the Spaniards, after the Battle of San Juan on 30 August 1896, was Lt. Miguel Ramos (alias Bulalakaw, lit., shooting star).  He wrote the following account to prove that those imprisoned by the enemy suffered no less than those who were left fighting on the battlefield.]

After our arrest by the Spanish cavalry troops, we were ordered to put down our bolos in a heap on the ground.  Then with both hands up, we were lined up a yard-and-a-half away from the pole of bolos.  Our captors searched our bodies thoroughly and then bound us individually at the elbows with rope as thick as a finger.  They brought us thus trussed up to the civil guard garrison at Marikina. 

We prisoners agreed on a common defense strategy.  At any trial court in which we would be arraigned, we were to say that we had been peasants working in the fields when men with guns had pounced on us.  They had forced us to produce guns, and when we could not, they had hauled us off and impressed us into their army.  They had placed us in the vanguard of troops that attacked the powder arsenal at San Juan del Monte.  After our ranks dispersed the Spanish cavalry troops had chased and captured us.  This was our testimony to every Spanish officer who interrogated us.

In the afternoon of 2 September 1896, we were brought to the Bilibid Prison in Manila.  We were not given any supper that evening.  The following day we were fed once, and at eleven o’clock that night our elbows were again tightly tied behind us.  Then we were hustled off from Bilibid and brought to the pier.

Our captors put us on a steamboat called Churruca.  All sixty-five of us prisoners were so weak and hungry that if we stopped to rest for a while we found it difficult to get up and walk again.  Mobility was hampered, not only because of our weakened conditions due to hunger but also because of the discomfort from the tight binding of our elbows behind us.  They herded us into a dark, windowless compartment, with a single opening on top that was covered by a piece of canvas measuring about three feet square.  They surrounded us with guards, which seemed to me unnecessary if the purpose was to prevent us from escaping.  Besides being hogtied, we were all too weak from exhaustion and hunger to escape.

Suddenly, two Spanish soldiers began to beat us with canes, while two others joined by kicking and shoving around until we fell down the keel of the boat.  We fell in different positions, on our backs, bellies, sides, or on our heads.  Then a big voice boomed out, “Bury the dead!”

We were packed like sardines at the bottom of the keel.  To sleep, we could not even lie down horizontally.  We could hardly move as we huddled close to each other, sitting on our haunches.  The air was fetid since the only aperture was the door above, and even this was blocked by many guards.  Since it was stifling hot, we were a grimy and stinking lot, with bedraggled and soiled clothes.  And to top it all, we were still hogtied.  But the will to survive did not leave us, for we ate and drank the foul food and water they gave us.

Our destination was Yap, in the Caroline Islands.  On reaching land, they bailed us out of the hold of the boat with a rope and herded us into the beach like cattle.  They made a head-count as we landed to make sure that no one escaped.  With sticks and kicks, they propelled us to where the governor of the island, Maj. Miguel Marquez was waiting.  But when we were about to be presented, the governor refused to let us come near him, perhaps because of our stench and squalor.  He ordered our handcuffs removed and had transferred to a corral on the beach.  Located at the foot of a mountain, the corral was sturdily fenced for keeping captured cattle.  There we bathed and washed our clothes.  We were a naked lot hanging our clothes to dry when two Spaniards came to take photographs.  Hustling us to pose, they took pictures, with none of us wearing any clothes.

The Spaniards used Yap Island as a prison.  The military governor, Major Marquez, was extremely cruel and churlish toward us prisoners.  Looking down on Filipinos as inferior to Europeans, he considered us fit only to be their slaves for all time.  Our meals never varied and were very meager; they consisted only of boiled rice of the roughest kind and plain boiled lentils.

Every day we were assigned to do hard labor on projects that had to be finished at once.  We had to carry loads of soil from one place to another and dig or fill up sites.  Considering the whimsical and unplanned nature of the assignments, we often felt that the tasks were given to punish us, not necessarily to complete some specific project.  However, there was one job that we detested most of all.  Whenever the mailboat arrived, we were made to repair the road to the wharf and the government house.  These were the only times the road was opened.  In three days we had to level the humps and fill the potholes; this stretch of a road we referred to as “Hell.”

As soon as the boat had docked, we prisoners were lined up at the landing to be ready to unload the ship.  An officer of the boat would hand to Gov. Miguel Marquez the manifest; after the latter had read it, he would put his arms akimbo and then hold up and wave the document.  This was the signal for us to begin unloading the cargo.

With the heavy loads on our backs, we walked down the gangplank and down the road we called Hell.  For on both sides of the road were lined Spanish troops and elements of the Seventy-eight Infantry, who were armed with tough wooden planks or bamboo and rattan sticks, ready to torment us with beatings for such imagined transgressions as not carrying our heavy loads, not walking straight, etc.  And when we stumbled or fell, we also got a beating.  In the interim, between the unloading and the loading of new cargo, we prisoners were made to fill up the potholes and level the road to the same vexations as before.  It was not surprising that after each departure of the mailboat, many of us were confined in hospital, suffering from fever, bruises, muscle and nerve fatigue, and abrasions all over the body.

We were convinced that the pain we suffered was not any less than those of our brethren who fell in the night fighting for the Motherland.  And should we die before we could see our dear ones again, we commended to Bathala [Supreme Being in Tagalog mythology] the care of our beloved parents, wives, children, and brothers and sisters.  We also prayed that the love of country is always kept alive in their hearts.

In our desperation, we fervently wished for death.  We were quite certain that it was near at hand for all of us, considering the hardships we were enduring.  We were most despondent every time the mailboat arrived, and to us, it became a symbol of our oppression.  It became so that we came to detest its very sight and sound – seeing and hearing it made our flesh creep.  After more than a year of intolerable conditions, we had all fallen ill.  We were emaciated, pale, and weak, and the only reason we could still do some work was because of the threat of merciless beatings we would get if we did not obey.

One Sunday, the island became agog with the news that the governor, Maj. Miguel Marquez would be replaced by a colonel.  And indeed, within a week a battleship arrived in port with the new governor, Col. Salvador Cortes.  Major Marquez boarded the boat to meet his successor.

The poise and physique of Colonel Cortes impressed us.  With a stern visage, he looked at the person he talked to straight in the eye.  This was unlike Governor Marquez, who had a comely face and who had the habit of looking down when talking to people.  The fierce look on the new governor’s eyes provoked the following observation: “Well, what do you know!  The one who looks as meek as a lamb made our lives unbearable.  We should know what to expect from that one who looks as fierce as a lion!  Instead of quibbling, let us get ready for any eventuality that should befall us.”

As part of the routine in the turnover of responsibility and position, Major Marquez accompanied Colonel Cortes to the various government offices.  When they came to the prison, we prisoners fell in line and saluted them.  The colonel saluted back enthusiastically.  Going to the kitchen to find out what the prisoners had to eat, he saw the usual fare of boiled rice of the toughest kind and boiled lentils.  He stirred the pot vigorously and asked the attendant what was cooking and for whom.

“That, sir is the prisoners’ food,” the attendant answered.

Taken aback, the colonel sighed and threw a glance at us.  Then he kicked the pots until they broke.  After a while, he asked if they were keeping beasts in the place.  His face was red with rage when he said, “Why do you feed your fellowmen with stuff fit only for animals!”

He called the superintendent and lectured to him thus: “I am the new governor replacing Major Marquez.  I order you to give the prisoners decent food.  Procure only good fish and have tasty dishes prepared for them.  The dishes shall be prepared in accordance with the prisoners’ tastes.  Should fresh supplies be lacking, I authorize you to open the pantry and give the prisoners meat and other good food.  And give them only clean rice, not the rough kind I saw today.”

He looked at his watch and seeing that it was past eleven o’clock, he ordered the opening of the pantry.  After giving instructions about feeding the prisoners not later than twelve noon, he left together with Major Marquez.

After they had left, the superintendent told us, “Now your noses are up in the air.”

Maj. Miguel Marquez departed from East Yap after the office and responsibility of governing the island had been properly turned over to Col. Salvador Cortes.  He left the same battleship that had brought his successor.

The first of the new governor’s reforms that affected us was his order to the prison superintendent to feed us well.  For breakfast, we were to be given lots of good coffee, sugar, newly baked bread, butter, and sardines.  The bounty extended to the other meals as well – lunch, afternoon snack, and dinner.  On Sundays and holidays we had special fare: for breakfast and snacks we had chocolate, bread, cheese ham, and fried eggs; for lunch and dinner, delicious dishes of pork, beef, chicken, or tasty fish, cooked with abundant vegetables with or without broth, fresh fruits, a goblet of good wine for each, and sweetmeats.

We were to be as free as possible, to sleep when we wanted to, to take walks, to amuse ourselves, and if we were so inclined, to work.  The only restrictions imposed were that we could not leave the island and that we must be inside the compound from ten at night to seven in the morning.  We were thankful for a regimen that began at six in the morning with breakfast and ended with supper at six in the evening.  My companions were happy enough in our relative freedom to work when we pleased to spend our time leisurely in promenades or other diversions, and in being well-fed besides.

“Yet,” I explained to them, “we are not truly free.  We are still prisoners on this island.  Of course, we are better off than before, but we should realize that only when our country is free can there be real contentment.  Then everything else – intellectual life, material wealth, the nobility of character – will flourish and be sources of pride for us all.”

On Sundays and feast days of Saints, it was customary for everyone on the island to hear mass at the Roman Catholic church on top of a hill.  One such morning, we left our prison compound at seven to go to church.  Midway up the hill, we saw on the horizon what looked like a tabo bobbing about at sea.  It was a black object that grew bigger the longer we looked at it.  Then we discerned traces of smoke that became darker as we continued to watch.  Apprehension began to sap our strength so that we could barely climb the hill.  The object we saw coming toward us was the dreaded mailboat!

“Sink! Sink! Damn you, sink!” we chorused, meanwhile raising our fists.

Just then the governor, escorted by some troops, passed us on the road.  He signaled for us to walk faster to the church, where he was also going.  We all heard mass together, and when it was over, the governor told our superintendent to take us, prisoners, to the wharf.  What we had always dreaded was going to happen again: we were to unload the ship’s cargo.  We trembled with fright at the prospect of the suffering that awaited us.  May companions’ thoughts were more morbid; they suspected that the reason we had been allowed a measure of freedom and given good food was that we were being readied for execution on the island.  Those fears gnawed at us as we stood waiting for the tortures to begin.

Some ten minutes passed before the boat docked.  The captain greeted the governor and handed him a letter.  When he had read the letter, Colonel Cortes reddened and trembled in agitation.  He summoned Vicente Suarez, the prison superintendent, handed him the letter, and ordered him to translate it into Tagalog and to be read aloud for our benefit.  The letter read as follows:

Colonel Cortes

Honorable Governor:

Here’s wishing you a pleasant sojourn in Eastern Yap of the Carolines.  May you triumph in the defense of the glory and honor of Spain, our Motherland, in that far-flung outpost of her empire.  The religious corporations wish to remind you that the Filipino rebels now being imprisoned on the island you now administer are traitors to our government and our religion.  Therefore, it is your duty to starve and beat them to death!

 May God protect you and grant you a long life.

 I kiss your hand,

(Signature of a friar)

After the letter had been translated into Tagalog and then read to us, the governor took it from Mr. Vicente Suarez.  With a smile he reassured us:

“I am the person in authority here.  No friar has the jurisdiction, much less power, to give orders to me.  I hereby repudiate all the evil elements like them.  And I intend to punish them should they try to meddle in my territory.  I am appealing to you to help unload the cargo intended for us, but when you do the job tomorrow morning, it will be in a manner that will not be oppressive to you.  And should you get tired on the job, you are free to leave, take a walk, or return to your quarters.  You don’t have to worry about anything because there will not be anyone to watch you or order you about.”

As he said the last sentence, he gave a meaningful look to his troops.  He told them that the prisoners would police themselves.  He dismissed his troops and again spoke to us.

“As far as I am concerned, you are free to do as you please on this island; you may promenade or rest in your quarters as you wish.  No schedules or guards will interfere with you.  The only discipline I impose is that at mealtimes you should all eat together.  And don’t forget my appeal for help in unloading and loading of cargo in the mailboat tomorrow morning.  You will work shoulder to shoulder with the soldiers, and nobody will wield the stick and neither will anyone be beaten.  You may now walk around or rest in your quarters.  You are free to do as you please….”

He smiled at us again and then saluted.  We returned the salute with great pleasure.

Under the aegis of Governor Cortes, our stint as exiles on the island passed happily.  And were it not for our concern for the freedom of our native land and for our families back home, our contentment would have been complete.  Aside from the kindness he had already demonstrated, the governor also ordered that our rations of good food and drink be increased.  Thus for lunch on Sundays and holidays, we were given an extra plateful of Arroz a la Valenciana and a cup of fine wine.  Where before we were weak and pale because of lack of sleep and nourishing food and because of the merciless beatings endured, under the benign regimen of Governor Cortes we regained our health, vitality, and zest for life.

One day news reached us that the Caroline Islands, East Yap, Bonaparte and Saipan were to be ceded by the Spanish government to the Germans.  True enough, two ships, the Uranus and the Alba, soon arrived on our shores to take us away.  The Uranus was to take us, prisoners, back to the Philippines; and when we were all aboard Governor Cortes spoke to us.

“Gentlemen,” he began, “We shall now part ways.  You will go back to your own country and we to ours.  May God grant that we reach our destination safely.  You must realize that I am a soldier whose duty is to uphold the Spanish government.  In that role, I am a Spaniard wherever I might be, whether here or in Spain or anywhere else.  In truth, however, I am French by birth, race, and origin.  But fate had it that I should marry a Spanish woman of Cartagena.  I came to love the place, and that was where we made our home until I was assigned this onerous responsibility.

“However, this assignment gave me an opportunity to meet and make friends with you.  You must have been very surprised at the comradeship and leniency I showed you.  But you must know, as I have already told you, that I am a Frenchman and not a Spaniard who kneels and kisses the hands of the friars.  I can never work as a secret assassin for those who pretend to be holy.  I feel compassion for my fellowmen because God has given me the capacity to think and to sympathize with others.  I thank God that you still had some strength remaining, although you were perilously close to death when I arrived.  I am also grateful that you were able to regain your strength and vitality.

“You may all go back to your own homes, for you are free from now on.  You need not be ashamed of anything, for you were imprisoned only because of your love for your native land and your desire to defend her liberty.  By risking your life and blood unstintingly like you did, you have earned the respect of your fellowmen.  This is the highest honor a patriot could aspire to, and it should be written into our historical record as a source of inspiration for all.”

After this short speech, Governor Cortes shook hands with all of us while shouts of “Bon Voyage!” filled the air.  Then the good governor took his leave of us and joined his troops on the other ship, the Alba, which was to take him back to Spain.  Our ship, the Uranus, about to depart, we and the passengers on the other ship cried out to each other, “Farewell! Farewell!”

But as the distance widened between us, the last distinct sounds we heard from the other ship were shouts of “Long live Spain!”

That provoked in us a surge of patriotic fervor and we could do no less than shout back, “Long live the Philippines!”

But no sooner had we uttered the cry than we began to regret having done so.  Our other companions, carried away no doubt by the heady feeling that we were finally free, echoed the cry again and again.

We had forgotten temporarily that there were Spanish troops with us on board.  Already they were looking annoyed over what we had done.  What if they decided not to take us to Manila but to another island where we would again be exiled?  Then we would suffer the same tortures we had undergone on East Yap.  However, nothing of the sort happened and we reached Manila uneventfully.

 

SOURCE:

Alvarez, Santiago: “The Katipunan and the Revolution, Memoirs of a General,” Ateneo de Manila University Press, Quezon City, 1992

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